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Posts tagged with 'subprime mortgage crisis'

Weekly Audit: Crashing the Corporate Christmas Party

Posted Dec 29, 2009 @ 8:46 am by
Filed under: Economy     Bookmark and Share

By Zach Carter, Media Consortium Blogger

While Wall Street will ring in the new year with huge bonuses and taxpayer-fueled profits, there is little holiday cheer for the workers whose tax dollars funded the bank bailouts. Although bank stock prices have soared for most of the year, the unemployment rate has steadily climbed and the foreclosure crisis has swelled to epic proportions.

Nomi Prins details the disconnect between Wall Street and the rest of us for AlterNet. The government’s massive giveaways to big banks did not stop with the $700 billion Troubled Asset Relief Program. In fact, earlier this month, the Internal Revenue Service granted Citigroup a $38 billion tax break for, well, nothing. Like every other financial boon the Treasury and the Federal Reserve have granted banks since 2008, this special holiday gift will help boost Citigroup’s profits, but does little to boost lending to small businesses, lower credit card interest rates or help struggling borrowers stay in their homes. (more…)

Weekly Audit: Depression-Era Inequality, Only Worse

Posted Aug 18, 2009 @ 7:25 am by
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By Zach Carter, TMC MediaWire blogger

A new study by Economist Emmanuel Saez revealed this week that income inequality in the U.S. is more severe today than at any time since World War I, and the current recession is taking its heaviest toll on the worst-off members of our society. As our government rebuilds the financial sector using taxpayers’ money, it’s important to remember that both financiers and the government are responsible to our communities, not just bank shareholders. If we want to strengthen our country’s economic foundation, we need to demand better wages for workers and an end to all kinds of predatory lending.

Saez’s new data on income inequality is, as Paul Krugman put it, “truly amazing.” Saez, who teaches at the University of California at Berkeley, found that the top 0.01% of U.S. earners had 6% of total U.S. wages, more than double the level in 2000. Earners in the top 10%, meanwhile, took home an astonishing 49.7% of all wages. That gap is larger now than during the Great Depression or the Gilded Age of the Roaring ’20s.

“We’re seeing Depression-era inequality again—only now it’s slightly worse,” writes Steve Benen for The Washington Monthly. Benen also notes that this level of inequality is not an inevitable consequence of a market economy: It’s an extreme historical aberration. In the U.S., prosperity for much of the 20th Century was shared. But in 2007, at the economic bubble’s peak, the wealthy simply got wealthier.

In that context, it is beyond absurd that the government is allowing 8-figure bonuses to be doled out by bailed out banks. Writing for Salon, Robert Reich dissects the policy implications of Citigroup’s plans to pay its top executives an average of $10 million this year and award over $100 million to its top trader, a man who literally owns a castle in Germany. Citigroup was one of the most reckless U.S. banks during the housing bubble, a major subprime offender that received $45 billion in direct bailout money, as well as hundreds of billions in federal guarantees. How much is $45 billion? With the median U.S. home price at $174,100, that’s the full market price of over 258,000 foreclosed homes. The company says that $10 million a head is necessary to attract and maintain top “talent,” which Reich notes is a somewhat misleading term, given recent history. The problem is not just that Citigroup and other Wall Street firms are paying tons of money to a few people, it’s that these people are being rewarded for the same kind of activities that got us into this mess to begin with: Risky, highly leveraged securities trading.

“Over the last several years Wall Street has exhibited a truly astonishing lack of talent,” Reich says, noting that, “The Street is back to the same, relentlessly untalented tactics that made it lots of money before the meltdown—which also forced taxpayers to bail it out, caused the world economy to melt down, and tens of millions of people to lose big chunks of their life savings.”

In truth, Reich argues, most large financial firms in the U.S. are much more like public utility companies than private-sector businesses. Even in good times, they depend on government guarantees and other support systems to function. In bad times, we bail them out. Instead of paying financiers tens of millions of dollars to reinforce a flawed system, Reich argues that we should impose rules that result in salaries similar to the public utilities sector, where top earners are generally restricted to 6-figure incomes.

The American Prospect features two pieces emphasizing problems in the current financial sector. Under a law known as the Community Reinvestment Act (CRA), enacted in 1977 we require banks to make loans in communities where they collect deposits. The loans have to be to dependable borrowers and they have to be relatively inexpensive. The law works very well—institutions covered by it made only a tiny fraction of the high-interest subprime loans that brought down the financial sector, as National Community Reinvestment Coalition President John Taylor notes for the Prospect. But CRA only applies to actual banks. You know, the places where you deposit your paychecks. CRA does not apply to subcompanies owned by the same corporation, and it does not apply to giant Wall Street securities firms like Bear Stearns and Goldman Sachs. Taylor says we need to expand CRA to cover these other big players in the financial world.

Why? As Alyssa Katz details in a piece for the Prospect funded by The Nation Institute, many Wall Street firms are bidding on foreclosed properties and selling them at rip-off rates to low-income borrowers.

But as Mary Kane notes for The Washington Independent, banks have also devised several methods of making money without making a loan. By charging tremendous fees on borrowers for minor infractions, banks generate billions of dollars without producing anything of social value. One of the worst forms of abuse, Kane writes, comes in the form of overdraft fees. When you withdraw too much money from your bank account, the bank fronts you the money, and then charges you a fee for this “protection.” The trick is, banks almost never tell you that this has occurred, and often play around with the timing of your charges and deposits to maximize the fees they collect. Banks are on track to collect $38.5 billion in such fees this year alone. The worst part is, the fees come from the poorest customers—rich people don’t overdraw their bank accounts, because they have tons of money.

In the case of credit cards, banks routinely slap borrowers with outrageous fees and interest rate hikes when the borrowers are making payments on time. Over the years, banks have targeted younger and younger credit card customers, as Adam Waxman notes for WireTap. After years of declining wages for all but the wealthiest citizens, consumers have been turning to pricey plastic to finance basic necessities.

Sadly, corporate America does not seem very focused on helping workers establish their financial independence. The Real News talks with Richard Wolff, an economist with the New School who emphasizes that, while worker productivity has jumped in recent months, wages have not made the corresponding increases. Quarterly productivity numbers tend to jump around a lot, but the trend of not compensating workers for improved efficiency has been around for years.

In a consumer-driven economy, major problems can’t be fixed by giving lots of money to a few people, especially if those few people are already rich. To support broad, meaningful economic growth, we need to tailor our policies that empower those on the lower rungs of the economic ladder. And when we bail out giant corporations with taxpayer money, we need to make sure those companies arrange their business to improve the lot of taxpayers.

This post features links to the best independent, progressive reporting about the economy and is free to reprint. Visit StimulusPlan.NewsLadder.net and Economy.NewsLadder.net for complete lists of articles on the economy, or follow us on Twitter. And for the best progressive reporting on critical health and immigration issues, check out Healthcare.NewsLadder.net and Immigration.NewsLadder.net. This is a project of The Media Consortium, a network of 50 leading independent media outlets, and was created by NewsLadder.

Weekly Audit: Fixing the Foreclosure Problem

Posted Aug 11, 2009 @ 7:52 am by
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by Zach Carter, TMC MediaWire blogger

The U.S. job market may be showing signs of life, according to a report issued by the Labor Department on Friday. The unemployment rate dropped in July, something no economist expected. Under the most optimistic interpretation, the news indicates that the worst of the recession is finally behind us. But the scenario isn’t really so rosy, as our government has yet to relieve the foreclosure pandemic. Even if unemployment is leveling off, there will be no economic recovery if the the foreclosure problem isn’t fixed.

July’s unemployment rate only fell from 9.5% to 9.4%, and even the most bullish Wall Street economists think the rate will hit double digits by the end of the year. The fact that July’s tiny drop in unemployement counts for good economic news says a lot about how severely the economy has deteriorated over the past year and a half.

But when you dig a little deeper, the numbers get worse. As Tim Fernholz explains for The American Prospect, even though the unemployment rate dropped, the nation’s economy actually shed 247,000 jobs in July. The rate was pushed down because 400,000 people gave up looking for a job in July; as such, they are no longer included in the statistic. So, while we “only” lost 247,000 jobs, we also lost 400,000 workers.

The government also adjusts its job loss figures for seasonal developments. When the Labor Department says we lost 247,000 jobs in July, that isn’t the actual number—it’s the number relative to what the Department considers a normal July. This summer has been unique for the U.S. economy, and especially in the case of the automobile industry. Auto companies usually lay off workers in the summer: The factories close while companies prepare the next year’s models. So many factories were already closed earlier this year that the seasonal shutdowns haven’t really happened this summer. Even though car companies laid people off in July, the government’s seasonally adjusted numbers marked an increase in car manufacturing jobs.

Things get even more complicated when you include the Cash for Clunkers program, which started on July 24. The plan offers people up to $4,500 to trade in their gas guzzlers for more fuel efficient new car. Whether the program helps the environment is somewhat controversial, but there is no doubt that it has created a lot of unusual demand for new cars. As Ed Brayton notes for The Michigan Messenger, the government’s plan to pump an additional $2 billion into the program has analysts predicting a big boost for manufacturers in July and August.

So we don’t really know if the labor market actually improved last month, or if the report is just an exaggeration of statistical anomalies resulting from the recession itself, or even some of the government’s recovery efforts. But as Steve Benen notes for The Washington Monthly, even if the numbers come with a healthy dose of uncertainty, it’s still better to see them come in good than bad. “There hasn’t been encouraging news on the job front in quite a while, and given the severity of the economic crisis, today’s report offers at least some relief,” Benen says. “The job numbers beat expectations, the overall unemployment rate declined, earnings went up, and the manufacturing sector improved.”

But even if unemployment is finally slowing down, the housing market remains awful. Foreclosures are significantly outpacing the administration’s efforts to help troubled borrowers. The Treasury Department released a report last week indicating that only about 9% of the borrowers eligible for relief under the government’s anti-foreclosure plan have actually received any aid—and even here the numbers are juiced to make the program look better. The administration only includes borrowers who are already at least two months behind on their mortgage payments in the group of eligible borrowers, when in fact any borrower in danger of “imminent default” is supposed to be eligible. Much of the problem, as I argue in a piece for Salon, is that the plan relies on private-sector debt collectors to identify distressed homeowners and get them help, something these companies have never been very interested in doing. All in all, just 235,247 borrowers have received assistance under the Obama plan, while foreclosures increased to 1.5 million in the first six months of 2009, with 2.4 million expected for the entire year and 9 million by 2012.

Writing for Mother Jones, Andy Kroll emphasizes that a much better policy option is available than the current tack. Rather than ask the banking industry to voluntarily adopt the administration’s plan without any consequences, we should put “homeowners’ fate in the hands of a neutral arbiter, like a bankruptcy court judge . . . [It] would go a long way toward stemming the tide of foreclosures,” Kroll writes.

Thanks to a bizarre legal loophole, mortgages cannot be modified in a bankruptcy proceeding if the owner actually lives in the house (investment properties, on the other hand, can be written off). In other words, if a predatory loan is driving you bankrupt, a judge can’t do anything about it in bankruptcy court. Congress has tried to change this rule a few times over the past year, but the bank lobby has stymied those efforts. The most recent legislative push failed overcome a Senate filibuster in April, but the political momentum may be changing as foreclosures get increasingly out of hand.

As Mike Lillis notes for The Colorado Independent, Sen. Dick Durbin, D-Ill., plans to bring back the legislation if the banking industry doesn’t get serious about helping borrowers fast. Many of the companies letting borrowers fall into foreclosure received billions of dollars in bailout money over the past year, and some even agreed to help borrowers as a condition for taxpayer support. But reform doesn’t just depend on the banks. Peter Dreier argues in The Nation that citizens need to publicly protest for stronger economic reforms.

Foreclosures are terrible for the economy. They wreak havoc on families’ lives, wipe out personal savings, lower the value of neighboring properties and put more homes on the market, further lowering home prices nationwide. If we cannot stop foreclosures, the economy cannot recover. If job losses are finally moderating, that’s great news. But it would be much better to see job losses stabilize and see the banks we bailed out actually do something to avert foreclosures.

This post features links to the best independent, progressive reporting about the economy and is free to reprint. Visit StimulusPlan.NewsLadder.net and Economy.NewsLadder.net for complete lists of articles on the economy, or follow us on Twitter. And for the best progressive reporting on critical health and immigration issues, check out Healthcare.NewsLadder.net and Immigration.NewsLadder.net. This is a project of The Media Consortium, a network of 50 leading independent media outlets, and was created by NewsLadder.

Weekly Audit: Debt and Taxes

Posted May 19, 2009 @ 8:26 am by
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by Zach Carter, TMC MediaWire Blogger

Earlier this month, President Barack Obama rolled out a new plan to limit the use of offshore tax havens and crack down on corporate abuse of the tax system. These tax havens siphon over $100 billion a year from the government, and have allowed many U.S. banks to duck paying taxes despite receiving massive, taxpayer-funded bailouts. The president’s plan is far from perfect, but comes as a welcome acknowledgment of the unfairness embedded in the current tax code.

Corporate taxes are precisely the type of issue that mainstream media outlets prefer to avoid. Even though the government’s tolerance of corporate tax evasion is a major scandal, it takes time to explain the issue’s intricacies, and it’s easier to resort to pundit-jousting than to provide a detailed report on how companies are cooking the books.

Most discussions of corporate taxes are quickly distorted by focusing on the overall income tax rate for the wealthiest corporations. This rate is 35% in the U.S., which is relatively high when compared to other developed nations with complex economies. But corporate lobbyists have successfully pushed thousands of complex loopholes into the U.S. tax code, making the actual, paid tax rate much lower. In a battle between pundits, a talking head screaming “Thirty-five per cent!” tends to be more persuasive than an academic talking about offshore deferred compensation.

This sheer density of the tax code creates a destructive feedback loop for policymakers. “If the loopholes are very complicated, then the only people who know enough to argue over them will be the lobbyists dedicated to their preservation,” Ezra Klein writes for The American Prospect.

As a result of this information imbalance, lobbyists can convince Congress to gouge ordinary citizens, even when those lobbyists are representing companies dependent on taxpayer largess for their very existence. Financial firms are particularly fond of establishing small sub-corporations in the Caribbean to shield their income from the U.S. Treasury. By registering their headquarters in these tiny nations, companies pay tiny fees to their “home” country and shirk being taxed in the U.S.

Citigroup has received over $45 billion in direct capital injections from taxpayers and billions more in federal insurance, but as Jim Hightower notes, the banking behemoth has a total of 427 sub-corporations scattered around the globe, and they serve no purpose other than avoiding taxes.

It’s not as if these companies have actually moved their employees or their trading houses or their factories to these remote locales. Their existence outside the United States entirely a fiction of paperwork crafted by clever corporate lobbyists. About 400,000 companies are headquartered in the British Virgin Islands, and none actually do any business there.

“All 400,000 companies are located in one gray, two-storey building in the town of Tortola,” Hightower notes.

Similar situations exist in dozens of other tax-haven nations. The Cayman Islands have over 12,000 companies “housed” in a single building. As David Cay Johnston explains in The Nation, the Caymans bar these pseudo-firms from engaging in any business beyond hiding profits.

Corporate tax-dodging has real consequences. “Honest taxpayers have to make up for the revenues lost through this offshore cheating in three ways: we pay more in taxes, we get fewer government services and we incur rising government debt,” Johnston writes.

The practice also helps artificially inflate corporate profits—and fake profit-taking was one of the chief drivers of the current financial crisis. In an illuminating interview with GritTV’s Laura Flanders, former banking regulator William Black explains how top-level executives at major financial institutions used accounting gimmicks to score record bonuses at the expense of the greater economy.

“It was an epidemic of fraud lead by the CEOs, and they were using accounting to commit that fraud,” Black says.

Subprime loans have much higher interest rates than ordinary prime loans. This means subprime loans are actually worth more to banks, provided the borrower can actually pay the loan. An executive with an eye to his own paycheck might urge his company to gobble up massive quantities of subprime loans, according to Black, enabling the bank to book record profits for the few months or years that borrowers could actually keep up with their mortgage payments. Giant profits generate gigantic bonuses for the executives, so even when the company is destroyed by all this subprime binging, the executive walks away rich.

Executives also aligned the pay incentives of employees lower on the corporate food chain with this strategy, ensuring that lenders churned out as many loans as possible, regardless of quality. The result is a devastating chain of fraud starting at the Wall Street CEO and ending at the mortgage broker. In the below video for American News Project, Lagan Sebert outlines the operations subprime mortgage giant Ameriquest and their Wall Street enablers, Citigroup.

Obama deserves some credit for acknowledging that corporate tax-scamming is a problem—Presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush were happy to sign-off on laws that made it easier for wealthy companies to evade taxes. But Obama’s crackdown doesn’t go nearly far enough. His plan would only bring in about 10% of the revenue the U.S. Treasury Department thinks it is losing through these scams. If Obama is serious about restoring accountability to Wall Street, that commitment does not end with the tax code. It is equally essential for Obama to secure new regulations on CEO pay that tie compensation to meaningful, long-term profits instead of short-term risk-taking, and to hire financial regulatory officials who will not tolerate endemic fraud.

This post features links to the best independent, progressive reporting about the economy. Visit StimulusPlan.NewsLadder.net and Economy.NewsLadder.net for complete lists of articles on the economy, or follow us on Twitter. And for the best progressive reporting on critical health and immigration issues, check out Healthcare.NewsLadder.net and Immigration.NewsLadder.net. This is a project of The Media Consortium, a network of 50 leading independent media outlets, and was created by NewsLadder.